(Book Reviewed: Shamsul Islam, 'Religious
Dimensions of Indian Nationalism': A Study of
RSS, Media House, Delhi 2006, Pages 383, Rs.
360)
The obstacles to the path of Indian democracy
look grave in their dimensions due to the slow
rise of the politics spearhead by RSS. While
RSS projects minorities as the major threat
to Hindu nation, it itself by positing the concept
of Hindu nation, poses serious threat to the
values of secularism, democratic nationalism
and the concepts of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity
(community). While putting forward the emotive
nationalism around Hindu religion it is not
only intimidating the religious minorities but
as such attacking the very process of caste
and gender transformation. Shamsul Islam hits
the nail on the head when he picks up nationalism
as the basic pivot of studying this organization,
very much in the center of Indian politics from
last two and half decades. The author's labor
of research is very obvious from the formulations
which he has been able to base on the original
papers and documents collected by him over a
period of last three decades. No mean job by
any standards, as the RSS is generally inconspicuous,
as it functions by resorting more to word of
mouth propaganda and less to the ideological
outpourings.
Richard Bonney, a scholar of Indo Pak nationalisms,
in his foreword takes the bull by the horns
when he points out that RSS cannot be underestimated
in the current times and that the outcomes required
to deal with RSS are mammoth, either to ban
it, or to drastically reform it from inside,
or to build an equally powerful organization
committed to the defense of Indian constitution
and its pluralistic ethos. The obsession with
the past glories is part of most of the fascistic
ideologies, and RSS 'excels' in that by putting
forward the ideal of greatness of the past.
Forgetting that that past was the era of Manusmritit,
the era of slavery of shudra and women, it recommends
the past as it was as the future of the country.
Last two decades has been the period of massive
growth of RSS, jumping from 7500-8500 shakhas
in 1975 to 30000 shakhas in 1993, with the number
of trained swayamsevaks, running into millions.
RSS has been modeled on secret functioning,
with Sardar Patel, the first Home minister of
India, fondly remembered even by RSS combine,
warning in 1948 that "the activities of
RSS constituted a clear threat to the existence
of the Govt and the state. It goes without saying
that this organization aiming at doing away
with democratic norms, does not have democratic
functioning itself. It abhors pluralism, federalism
and diversity, knowing well that these liberal
values are the sustaining ground for democracy.
Richard Bonney's introduction places this work
in the proper perspective. Bonney quotes extensively
from RSS ideologues to remind us that RSS opposed
the introduction of tricolor as national flag,
as 'we' already have the saffron flag as our
symbol, and we are of course a Hindu Rashtra.
Islam makes a very important distinction between
the type of nationalism as propounded by RSS
and Congress, the former being aptly called
as exclusionary and the latter as inclusionary.
Muslim League's nationalism will fall in the
type of RSS propounded nationalism. Later the
two shared the same bracket in different classifications
like the social base, the social and political
agenda and the concepts of nationhood, Islamic
Nation or Hindu nation, their role in freedom
movement i.e. the absence of it and their attitude
to caste and gender questions. Islam digs out
a crucial reference from Organizer 30th Nov
1949, which says that "immediately after
the Constituent Assembly of India finally passed
the constitution of India on 26th Nov 1949,
the RSS demanded that it should be replaced
by codes of Manu. One of the strengths of the
books is that in analyzing the RSS, author has
relied on internal discourse of RSS itself.
One may feel that Hindutva might have been
the backbone of RSS ideologues like Golwalkar,
the major RSS contributor to its ideology. But
surprisingly one does not find the mention of
this word in Golwalkars' writings. As such this
word came to the fore in the aftermath of Babri
demolition. The construction of Nationalism
by Hindutva elements, not only excluded the
Yavan Mlechhchas (a derogatory term for Muslims),
but also picked up exclusive Brahiminical values
as its base. While in this construction of selfhood
history is selectively projected as ancient
Golden Hindu period, irrespective of the fact
the earlier rulers like Indo-Greeks, Shakas,
Maurayas were not Hindus and the very word Hindus
was also coined by Arabs to geographically describe
the people living on the east of river Sindhu.
The initial nationalism, which developed here
in the aftermath of changes introduced by British,
was Indian nationalism and the divisive, exclusionary
nationalisms around Islamic or Hindu identity
developed as a reaction to the inclusionary
nationalism of Indian National Congress. Communal
nationalism started constructing their self
hoods around imagined medieval or ancient histories.
It is from here that a section of Hindu elite,
and later the ideologues started identifying
Hindu nationalism with Indian nationalism, the
whole notion being a modern one. Anandmath,
which contains the controversial song Vande
Matram, did reflect Hindu nationalism, most
of the elements of this nationalism are contained
in this novel, essentially opposing Muslims
and eulogizing British. Aurobindo Ghose took
this further and stood for essentially Hindu
identity of Indian nationalism. Vivekanand,
contributed to this concept further by projecting
Hinduism as 'mother
of religions', Hinduism being tutor and all
other faiths as tutees. Madan Mohan Malaviya
defined nationalism as Hindi, Hindu, and Hindustan,
which also provided the material for cultural
nationalism propounded by RSS.
Today when the Christian Missionaries are being
hauled to the coals on the grounds that they
are proselytizing, when it is being said that
Hinduism is superior since it does not proselytize,
it will be interesting to note the glee of Hindutva
ideologues during shuddhi movement, "Because
of the foresight of Swami Dayanand and zeal
of Shraddhanand, Hinduism is now full-fledged
proselytizing religion?the conversion or the
re-conversion of non Hindus has become a normal
phase of Hindu life." ( p.129) Lajpat Rai,
Bal Gangadhar Tilak also were contributors to
Hindu nationalism. Myth making is an essential
part of imagined pasts and nationalisms, more
so the exclusionary nationalism, "The Aryan
myth, which was a copy of Teutonic and Anglo-Saxon
myths, and was the Indian response to White
racialist doctrines. This was the myth that
Indian people were 'Aryans', and that 'pure'
Indian culture and society were those of the
Aryans, Vedic period [?] interestingly, all
three of them were borrowed from the west in
spite of their claims of 'real' Indian ness".
( p.137) Growth of Muslim nationalism ran parallel
to this, an ideal foil to the Hindu nationalism.
Hindu nationalism resorted to four pillars,
Golden past of Vedic period where Brahminical
texts ruled, birth based hierarchical structure,
anti-Muslim projection, non antagonistic relations
with British rulers and the concept that Hindus
form a separate nation. In this background of
competing communal nationalistic ideologies
and politics, RSS begins with the goal of Hindu
Rashtra.
British, very aware of the rising Nationalism,
were quick to realize the need for divide and
rule policy. Apart from subtly encouraging or
at least tolerating the exclusionary nationalisms,
they so planned the educational text books that
the difference between religious communities
should be further strengthened. While Gandhi's
central dictum was Hindu Muslim unity, RSS founder
Hedgewar disliked this and saw dangers in this
unity so when he was asked by a prominent Congress
leader as to why he left Congress, he answered
in a forthright manner that, 'because Congress
believed in Hindu Muslim unity'. While Hindu
Mahasabha and RSS remained separate organizations
there was good deal of collaboration and support
to each other. Their ideas of nationalism totally
matched; rather Golwalkar took it from where
Savarkar left.
The role of or the absence of, Hindutva in
freedom struggles is well known by now. While
Savarkar sent multiple mercy petitions to get
released from Andmans, and promising that he
will cooperate with the British, other RSS stalwarts
not only kept aloof from national movement,
they also discouraged others from participating
in the same, Golwalkar explains the absence
of RSS from freedom struggle, "We should
remember that in our pledge we have talked of
freedom of the country through defending religion
and culture. There is no mention of departure
of British in that." (p. 191) it is in
keeping with the same ideology that RSS staunchly
supported Hindu Princes.
Islam's focus and concern has been the place
of caste in the newly developing nationalism
of RSS. Its not only today that RSS chief Sudarshan
praises varna system and its role in preserving
'Hindu society', Savarkar already put this in
his book Hindutva, the book which in a way is
the Gita of RSS nationalism. As per this Hindu
nation grew out of a superior race, it survived
due to system of four varnas and was poised
to rule over the World. Similarly Manusmriti,
was eulogized by Savarkar, while Ambedkar chose
to burn it. How the word Fundamental is uniformly
used by a set of politics is well defined again
by Savarkar, 'Mausmiriti?for centuries has codified
the spiritual and divine march of our nation.
Even today the rules which are followed by crores
of Hindus in their lives and practice are based
on Manusmiriti. Today Manusmiriti is Hindu Law.
That is Fundamental.' ( p.217) Golwalkar adds
the five components of Hindutva, Country, race,
religion, culture and language.
The difficulty of explaining the rise of Buddhism
and its being wiped out is justified on the
basis of Buddhism's opposition to caste. They
explain that wherever Buddhism survived the
invaders succeeded in those areas. The obsession
to Golden past is pathological with RSS. When
Nehru said that RSS wants to take the country
two hundred years back, RSS mouth piece Organizer,
commented, 'we actually want to take he nation
back, a thousand years back.' Golwalkar's upholding
of Hitler's methods in building German nation,
his treatment of minorities finds approval in
Golwalkar who threatens that if minorities don't
follow the Hindu dictates they will not deserve
even citizenship rights. It is no wonder that
this upholding of Nazism finds its echoes in
the Hindu Rashtra (state) of Gujarat, where
the school text books appreciate the role of
Nazis in defending the country. The race pride
and keeping the purity of race are serious concerns
of Hindutva ideologues.
Golwalkar's mantle as the theoretician of RSS
is carried further by Deendayal Upadhyay, who
upheld the caste system in the cloak of integral
humanism. He describes caste system as the integral
part of Hindu society, not only natural but
also practical. Furthering the anti-minority
ideas Madhok of Jan Sangh the progeny of RSS,
went on to recommend the parishkar, change of
Muslims into Hindu culture. Islam does well
in providing a comprehensive list of RSS combine,
different progenies of RSS, working in diverse
walks of life, in carrying out the RSS agenda.
Also the letter of a RSS swaymasevak, Nanaji
Deshmukh, 'Moments of Soul searching', which
was written in 1984, in the wake of Anti Sikh
pogrom. in which Deshmukh blames the Sikh community
for the murder of Indira Gandhi and advices
Sikhs to keep patience and tolerance while they
were being butchered.
The book has strong merit in that it goes beyond
the anti Muslim project of RSS to show that
the core agenda of Hindutva and RSS is to uphold
caste system in the newer language. One can
infer from this that the basic target of Hindutva,
and similar such ideologies, is to suppress
the low caste, class and women. While the caste
angel is brilliantly brought out by Islam, he
does not much delve on the gender aspect. The
social transformation process revolves around
the equality of dalits and women in Indian context.
The worth of the book would have been infinitely
enhanced by bringing this out thread bear. Surely
the gender angel is more subtle and hidden but
it is equally important.
Overall this is a valuable addition to the
already existing work on Hindutva and RSS. The
scholarship and painstaking labor of the author
will definitively broaden the understanding
of this major threat to Indian Democracy.
